1433: National Capitalism And The Correct View

Misconception: a view or opinion that is incorrect because it is based on faulty thinking or understanding.

This is a story about ideas.

With mainstream Libertarianism already subordinated to large financial interests, the radical fringe of the movement sought to differentiate itself in an atmosphere increasing plagued by leftism. Rothbardian and Hoppean thought where all but drowned out by a sea of statist concession and Cultural Marxist subversion.

The candle, dimly lit, provided only flickers of hope for a free society. Like Prometheus, the bearers of this ember defied the Beltway gods and sought to impart onto the masses the correct libertarian view. These intellectual heavyweights included (and sill include) the likes of Dr. Thomas E. Woods, Dr. Hans Hermann Hoppe, Stefan Molyneux, Lew Rockwell and the rest of the good people at the Mises Institute.

Still spurned by the paleoconservative-paleolibertarian alliance of the 1990’s that attempted to save the Republican Party from Neo-Conservative influence, these solemn voices echoed defiant defenses of private property rights in the face of an open borders onslaught. Rationalizing that riding the burgeoning wave of right-wing populism peaking with the 1992 presidential campaign of Patrick J. Buchanan would provide a springboard for rightists to accept libertarian positions while still maintaining culturally conservative views, the Vanguard of right-libertarianism had been formed.

The ultimate failure of the paleoconservative-paleolibertarian alliance to result in meaningful political outcomes however, is instructive. Many important things can be gleamed from the most popular years of the Reform Party and John Randolph Club, but if right-libertarians are to take away just one valuable lesson, it is that failing to explicitly focus on racial identity makes impotent any prevailing opposition to mainstream Conservatism.

Enter the Alternative Right

Rooted primarily in the thought of thinkers of the French New Right, 20th century traditionalists and ethno-nationalists, the Alternative Right burst onto the scene as a codified movement during the Presidency of Barack Obama and coalesced around the successful presidential campaign of Donald Trump in 2016.

Emerging primarily in the American context out of what was left of the paleoconservative-paleolibertarian alliance that included Peter Brimelow’s webzine VDARE, Pat Buchanan’s journal The American Conservative, Jared Taylor’s New Century Foundation, Lew Rockwell’s Mises Institute, Taki Theodoracopulos’ Taki’s Magazine, Donald Livingston and Clyde Wilson’s Abbeville Institute, Hans Hermann Hoppe’s Property and Freedom Society and Richard Spencer’s National Policy Institute, the Alternative Right solidified its opposition to mainstream conservatism by doing what the 90’s era dissident right could not.

This included pursuing a meta-political strategy that ultimately successful resulted in a counter cultural coup against the left and the perpetuation of real political aims under the fulfillment of a Donald Trump presidency. Though still lacking institutional power, the Alternative Right stands in stark contrast to the paleoconservative-paleolibertarian alliance of a generation ago, and has paved the way forward for future right wing movements in the United States.

The Alternative Right is willing to meet the left on it’s own battlefield, employing a radical anti-egalitarian racialism that opponents have seldom encountered and rarely have arguments for. While the paleoconservative-paleolibertarian alliance tended to focus on cultural identity, it’s successors in the Alt-Right realized the importance of galvanizing support by framing rightist arguments within the context of the one thing everyone understands: race.

What in the 1990’s, was an argument against immigration under the pretext of cultural incompatibility, is now a fight for the very existence of European Americans. As demographic change continues to displace the white majority of the country, cultural arguments loose their edge and the racial component of culture is harder to overlook. Supplanted by Marxist class struggle during the Progressive Era, racial and ethnic movements in the United States became subordinated to an economic utilitarianism.

Later, leftist cultural strategies sought to explicitly foment discontent against the white middle class by creating a cadre of so-called “victim groups” that emerged to outvote whites in their homeland. Understanding that racial and ethnic struggles for liberation have been the primary political mobilizer of peoples throughout history, the Alternative Right reached back in time and into Western thought to form a surprisingly forward-looking reactionary racialist bulwark against Cultural Marxist influence.

Right-Libertarian Resurgence

Properly defined, the Alternative Right is an umbrella term that describes a coalition of dissident right wing ideologies opposed to mainstream Conservatism. These include the Neo-Reactionary movement that incorporates adherence to various forms of Monarchy, Aristocracy and Theocracy, paleoconservatism, Southern Nationalism, Fascism, National Socialism and other forms of Third Positionism, generic and differentiated forms of White Nationalism and ethno-pluralism, Anti-feminism and right wing libertarianism.

The latter, while diverging radically in terms of economic policy from the broader more economically nationalist Alt-Right, maintains adherence to the racial anti-egalitarianism that typifies the bulk of the movement. In fact, it can be argued that right-libertarian thinkers like Murray Rothbard and Hans Hermann Hoppe helped keep dissident right wing ideas alive in the United States during the formative years of the paleoconservative-paleolibertarian alliance, ideas that eventually developed into part of the body of thought now utilized by the Alternative Right.

Rothbard for example, produced a plethora of literature during the 1990’s on virtually every topic of importance to the Alt-Right. Many of these works have been compiled into the volume, The Irrepressible Rothbard, and include excellent essays like A Strategy for the RightRight-Wing Populism, Pat Buchanan and the Menace of Anti-Anti-Semitism, The Nationalities Question“Date Rape” on CampusRace! That Murray Book, and Kulturkampf!

Not included in the volume is the work, Nations by Consent, in which Rothbard differentiates between “nation” and state, and reevaluates the immigration question in light of the fall of the Soviet Union, rationalizing that the state enforced multiculturalism seen in eastern Europe under the Soviet regime is anathema to libertarianism.

In 2001, Hoppe put forth a blistering critique of liberal Democracy in his seminal work Democracy The God That Failed. Adopted by many Neo-Reactionaries for its unique and insightful defense of Aristocracy, Monarchy and Natural Order, the book contains the most intellectually rigorous philosophical rebuttal of government managed immigration policy ever put forth by a libertarian, or otherwise. Including essays like On Free Immigration and Forced Integration and On Free Trade and Restricted Immigration, Hoppe uses foundational deontological libertarian principles to produce both a moral and utilitarian justification for restricted immigration policy in the presence of the state.

Hoppe’s Property and Freedom Society has also played host to many paleoconservative and Alternative Right ideologues. These have included Richard Lynn, the preeminent researcher on racial and national differences in intelligence, who discussed the topic “Why Are The Jews So Smart?” at a 2014 conference; paleoconservative Paul Gottfried, who has given talks at conferences concerning the influence of the Jewish lobby and human inequality; the aforementioned Jared Taylor, who spoke about race relations in the United States at a 2013 conference; Richard Spencer, who gave a talk on “The ‘Alternative Right’ in America” back in 2010; and Steve Sailer, who gave a talk titled, Barack Obama: America’s Half-Blood Prince” at a 2009 conference.

Racialist Anarcho-Capitalism

Perhaps the most stringent adherent to the radical right-libertarian thought put forth by Rothbard and Hoppe is Christopher Cantwell. Coming out of mainstream Conservatism, Cantwell was admittedly radicalized by former radio talk show host and Libertarian Party presidential nominee Michael Badnarik‘s lecture series, Introduction to the Constitution. Shortly thereafter he became an active participant in Campaign for Liberty, the Tea Party movement, and ultimately ran as a Libertarian Party candidate for Congress in 2010.

Cantwell eventually encountered anarcho-capitalism and began reading Rothbard before moving outside of Keene, New Hampshire to join The Free State Project. It was among activists in Keene that Cantwell encountered the Cultural Marxist virus that has infected libertarianism. Quickly finding himself at odds with a culturally incompatible worldview, Cantwell virulently besieged left-libertarian opponents while stoking controversy and building a name for himself.

Shedding his last remnants of thick libertarianism, Cantwell continued to be an ardent opponent of political correctness and began to embrace Hoppean arguments for restricted immigration. It was during Donald Trump’s presidential campaign however, that Cantwell developed an overtly racial component to his ideology and sought to identify more with the Alternative Right.

Having expressed deep sympathies to Ethno-Nationalist views, Cantwell began appearing on numerous Alt-Right podcasts promoting Pro-White Libertarianism. He eventually ultimately sought to differentiate himself from the broader movement over economic and other disagreements however, and has since identified more with its Neo-Reactionary faction. Cantwell has maintained the elemental identitarian principles of Alt-Right philosophy and continues to attempt to reconcile with their positions while still allying with those who are more sympathetic to libertariansim.

The Synthesis

During Cantwell’s rise to prominence among the proletarian wing of the Alternative Right, a synthesis was sought between the radical economic prescriptions of racialist Anarcho-Capitalism and the economic statism of Ethno-Nationalism. What emerged was National Capitalism.

Though not a new idea, the recent conceptualization kept the priors’ adherence to racial and gender inegalitarianism while providing an economic platform that each group can sympathize with. Based on the work of Max Sand, who developed National Capitalism’s 33 Precepts, the philosophy seeks to make the Nation, Citizen and Market an integral part of society.

National Capitalism employs unique arguments in defense of some protectionist measures while rejecting the current system of international global finance and “free trade.” As such, in the words of Sand, National Capitalism “sees the Nation as a buffer against Internationalism, Globalism and multiculturalism, and advances Capitalist economics as a buffer against Communism and Socialism.”

The National Capitalist creed is typified by the number 1433, which stands for the 14 words: “We must secure the existence of our people and a future for white children,” and the aforementioned 33 Precepts. National Capitalism, according to Sand, arises from the unique spirit of the American Man, a spirit exemplified by self-reliance and a history of conquering the unknown.

It seeks to supplant Third-Positionist and anarcho-capitalist doctrines with a more politically viable alternative while keeping in step with the increasing necessity for European Americans to engage in identity politics. By adhering to the traditional political framework of the country, National Capitalism seeks to unify dissident elements on the right into a single cohesive force that can be more easily embraced by regular Americans.

The Correct View

National Capitalism, as conceptualized by the 1st Irregulars, has went through several variations and continues to be expressed differently, and incorrectly, by many right-libertarians, racialist anarcho-capitalists and adherents to the broader Alternative Right. The 33 in 1433 has never stood for “CC” (Christopher Cantwell), but arose during the period of aforementioned synthesis that occurred during his transition into and out of the Alt-Right.

The coincidence was not lost on Cantwell who appropriated the meme for his own purposes. Still, many of his followers misuse 1433 to represent something it was never intended to. This is the incorrect view, a bastardization. As originally formulated by Sand, the 33 in 1433 stood (and may still stand) for Article 3 Section 3 of the U.S. Constitution.

This serves as a mechanism for securing anti-communist adherents to the philosophy that may categorize themselves as Civic Nationalists, and provides a legal justification for the Physical Removal of left-wing agitators who undermine American society. Known as the Treason Clause, Article 3 Section 3 defines treason as “levying War against [the United States], or in adhering to their Enemies, giving them Aid and Comfort.”

The clause was used as a justification for The House on Un-American Activities Committee (HUAC) to pursue disloyalty and subversive activities of individuals and organizations suspected of being agents of Communist enemies during the Cold War. Amid a deluge of left-wing criticism and propaganda, the committee renamed itself the Internal Security Committee in 1969 but was ultimately terminated in 1975.

It is the position of the 1st Irregualrs that HUAC be reformed to deal with radical elements sympathetic to the destruction of American sovereignty and Constitutional liberty that include Anarcho-Communists, Black Bloc Anarchists, Anarcho-Syndicalists, Black Lives Matter, Radical Environmentalists, Feminists, Islamic Extremists and various other professed “Anti-Fascist” groups.

Proto-Irregularian National Capitalism is compatible with the 33 Precepts and instills in the philosophy a political road map to deal with Cultural Marxist subversion within the contextual framework of the law. The Precepts however “must be observed” in order for the system to function properly. In the words of Sand, Irregularian National Capitalism forms a basis for “the modern American Man [to] embrac[e] the roots of [his] past, the economic ideas of [his] future and the Ethos that has sustained him for centuries.”

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